Only the proletariat aided by semi-proletarians can give Europe a truly stable and revolutionary government.

The social-communists of L’Unità and Avanti! were careful not to publish the orders of General Monter-Chrusciel, former commander of the Zolibor sector, issued at 7:30 p.m. on October 3. And there’s good reason for this.

However, they hastened to spread the orders of the self-described Polish Liberation Committee, which resides in Moscow and is submissive in good Stalinist fashion. The reason for this unspeakable attitude? It’s not hard to see it. It is enough to read the orders of the heroic defenders of Warsaw.

«After sixty days of bitter struggle, lacking the necessary aid, defense was no longer possible. We had two possibilities: either to negotiate with the Germans, or to try to open a passage to the Soviet troops. The Soviet authorities did not assure us that they would consider us as regular soldiers.. It was therefore either a matter of surrendering to the German troops that promised to recognize us as proper prisoners of war or a potential deportation to Siberia».

The fall of Warsaw occurred in the conditions now known to all is an event too important to be passed over in silence by us, since in the surrender of the Polish partisan forces we see the effect of a determined will of non-intervention by the Moscow leaders. What were the essential reasons that induced the Russians not to bring aid to the heroic fighters in Warsaw? And why did the Russian command refuse these stalwart defenders of the essential freedoms of the Polish people the treatment that was later reserved for them by the German command?

The officials of the PCI and PSI will suffer a bit in answering such an embarrassing question. Unless they want to count the two hundred thousand killed in Warsaw and the one hundred thousand partisan prisoners as members of the... Fifth Column! But the interpretation of the event can only be unique and irrevocable. First of all, the Russian authorities have evaluated the Polish partisans for what they really are, namely, proletarian fighters without masters, autonomous fighters of the working class, fighting not for the freedom of the Poland of the capitalists and landlords, but for the emancipation of the working classes against all the masters of East and West, North and South. It was against this communard attitude that the Russian leaders intended to react, first of all by denying military aid to these fighters of the world proletarian front and secondly by allowing the massacre of 200,000 people by the Nazis, almost all of them militants of the revolutionary-socialist Bund in Warsaw.

Thus, while the history of Moscow’s betrayal perpetrated in Spain was repeated in Warsaw, the class character of the European partisan movement, which until now had been rejected in the shadows because of its struggle against Nazi-Fascism, was clearly and precisely emerging. A character which, it must be said, is the progressive class element arising dialectically from the imperialist war in which Russia plays a leading role.

The resistance of the Warsaw partisans to Moscow’s political blackmail has therefore a well-designed proletarian imprint. And as such it represents a first stage towards the freedom of action of the working classes of Europe and of the whole world.